Namantar Andolan

Namantar Andolan
Part of Dalit Buddhist movement

Gate of the renamed university and statue of Dr. Ambedkar in distance
Date 27 July 1978 (1978-07-27) - 14 January 1994 (1994-01-14)
Location Marathwada, Maharashtra, India
Goals Renaming of Marathwada University
Methods Protest march, Street protest, riot, strike
Result Renamed Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University

Namantar Andolan (English: Name Change Movement) was a Dalit movement to change the name of Marathwada University in Aurangabad, Maharashtra, India to Dr. B. R. Ambedkar University. It achieved a measure of success in 1994 when the compromise name of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University was accepted. The movement was notable for the violence against Dalits.

Background

Namantar means name change[1] and andolan means social movement.[2] The Namantar Andolan was a 16-year-long Dalit campaign to rename Marathwada University in recognition of B. R. Ambedkar, the jurist, politician and social reformer who had proposed that untouchability should be made illegal.[3][4][5][6][7] He aimed to make Dalits aware of their social condition and to awaken them to their rights. To conceptualize this determination[lower-alpha 1] he coined the slogan Educate, Agitate, Organise.[8][9] The caste system in India denied education to Dalits so he worked to establish new hostels, schools and colleges in Maharashtra and Karnataka.[10] He intended that education institutions should transcend historic differences between various communities but he failed in this goal of integration and instead the various colleges each became characterised as being specific to one or other group, such as the Scheduled Castes, the Muslims and the Brahmins.[11]

Ambedkar had been born into a family of Mahars, a community who were considered Untouchables in the caste system of India. Although historically an oppressed community in Hindu society, as with all untouchable groups, the Mahars had sought socio-economic advancement and were both better educated and more politically aware than many of their fellow Dalits, such as the Chamars and Mangs.[12] They were restricted to the lowest status roles which were associated with ritual impurity; for example, leatherwork, butchering, cleaning streets, latrines, and sewers, removal of rubbish and animal carcasses.[13] They were not allowed to enter Hindu temples and had to live outside of villages. When the British rulers started a mass education system for Indians in 1850 upper caste Hindus required Untouchables to sit outside of class groups or they were not allowed in schools at all.[14] Some of their work such as message delivery for government officials and employment in the army of the British Raj heightened their aspirations.[12]

With the adoption of the Constitution of India in 1949, discrimination based on caste was prohibited, untouchability was outlawed and later Reservation policy to benefit those now called Scheduled Castes was established. Cultural changes were slow to come.[12] In abandoning their old socially demeaning jobs, Dalits found themselves competing with caste Hindus for positions in bureaucracies and professions. This caused unemployment, economic uncertainty and resentment on all sides.[12] In addition, many Mahars converted to Buddhism, following the example of Ambedkar to separate themselves from the strictures of the Hindu caste system.[9]

Non-Dalit student groups initially supported the demand to have the university renamed but did so less for reasons of dogma than for the pragmatic desire to bring the Dalit, mostly Mahar, students into the general fold. Dalit students had traditionally shown no interest in supporting such causes as lower fees and cheaper textbooks but they constituted around 26 per cent of the student population and a quid pro quo was anticipated. A march involving Dalit and non-Dalit students was organised with the intent of petitioning the council of the university for the change. The procession met with another, headed by Gangaher Gadhe, a Dalit Panther leader,[lower-alpha 2] who launched a tirade of abuse at the non-Dalit contingent as he asserted the right of the Dalits to take all the credit for the change in name. This alienated the non-Dalit students and, according to Dipankar Gupta, "the division was caused not so much by caste Hindu prejudices and reticence to support the renaming of the University, but rather by the splittist and sectarian position taken by Gadhe", who might also have been concerned that any alliance between Dalits and non-Dalits could affect the potency of the Panthers. Among left-wing organisations, only the Students' Federation of India and Yukrant continued to support the campaign.[12]

In 1977, the Chief Minister of Maharashtra, Vasantdada Patil, promised that the renaming would occur and in July 1978 the Maharashtra Legislature approved it. Uttara Shastree notes that the campaign at this time reflected the desire of neo-Buddhists for an improved image and position in society, as a significant part of which they called on the symbolic ideas of Ambedkar that had preceded his rise to prominence.[15] The University Executive Body passed a resolution to rename the University and this series of decisions was the catalyst for rioting, which began on 27 July 1978 and lasted several weeks.[11]

Commentators such as Gail Omvedt believe that the violence was a caste war based on hatred whilst others, such as Gupta, believe that the causes were more varied. Both Omvedt and Gupta note that the violence was aimed at the Mahars and did not extend to other Dalit groups, while Gupta also notes that it was concentrated in the three districts of Marathwada — Aurangabad, Nanded and Parbhani — where Dalit registrations in schools and colleges were particularly high, and economic competition was most fierce. In particular, the centres of the unrest were urban areas, where the impact of Mahar aspirations would most deeply affect the employment, social and economic roles which caste Hindus considered to be their preserve. Troubles were largely absent from the other two districts of Beed and Osmanabad, and the spill of problems into rural areas generally was patchy.[lower-alpha 3] These issues of geographic and demographic targeting, according to Gupta, indicate that the real causes of the violence were more subtle than war between caste Hindu and Dalit. There were also instances of violent acts taking place under the pretext of the riots elsewhere but in fact to settle very local and personal scores unrelated to the broader causes.[12] In contradiction to these views, Y. C. Damle maintains that the violence "specially affected the Scheduled Caste people in the villages although the agitation for renaming the Marathwada University after Dr. Ambedkar was spearheaded by Dalit Panthers and such leaders mainly in urban centres. ... In giving a call for agitation, hardly any effort was made to protect the villages or villagers."[11]

Attacks

Riots affected 1,200 villages in Marathwada, impacting on 25,000 Dalits and causing thousands of them to seek safety in jungles. The terrorised Dalits did not return to their villages in spite of starvation. This violence was allegedly organised by members of the Maratha community and took many forms, including killings, molestation and rape of Dalit women, burning of houses and huts, pillaging of Dalit colonies, forcing Dalits out of villages, polluting drinking water wells, destruction of cattle and refusal to employ. This continued for 67 days. According to the Yukrant leader, attacks on Dalit were collective and pre-planned.[16] In many villages Dalit colonies were burned. The burning houses in Marathwada region affected 900 Dalit households.[13] Upper caste rioters demolished basic household items that the Dalit possessed. They even burned the fodder stocks owned by Dalits.[17] The bridges and culverts were intentionally broken or damaged to paralyse the military and police aid in villages during the time of attacks.[11] Upper caste mobs attacked government property including government hospitals, railway station, gram panchayat offices, state transport buses, District Council-operated school buildings, the telephone system and the government godowns,[17] the communal property of ₹ 300 million was damaged.[1] The Marathwada region was under siege of violence for over two years.[18] The Dalits were wrecked economically and psychologically.[19] Many Dalit protesters were physically injured and nineteen died including five protesters who lost their lives during the police repression.[1]

Much of the violence occurred in Nanded district. Examples include:[16]

Violence occurred in Parbhani district. Examples include:[16]

Examples of violence in Aurangabad district included:

Examples of violence in Beed district included:[17]

Examples of violence in Osmanabad district included:[17]

Example of violence in Hingoli district included:[23]

Examples of violence in Nashik district included:[25]

Examples of violence in Nagpur included:[26][27]

In Jalgot Village, Fauzdar Bhurevar was beaten and then burned alive by a mob at a police outpost.[3] Violence was reported in Pune.[18] Demonstrators in Mumbai were teargassed.[16] Statues of Ambedkar and Buddha through the region were also damaged or destroyed.[17] Dalits were banned from buying grocery items in their villages by non-Dalits and Upper caste Hindus. Particularly it affected the life of rural Dalits who worked on daily wages. The situation became worse when they had no food to eat for few days. They were physically, mentally and socially tortured by non-Dalits but the Dalits remained firm regarding renaming Marathwada University.[12][16]

Role of media, political parties and bureaucrats

Media

The regional press played a biased role during the violence.[28] The Marathi Newspaper, Prajawani and Godatir Samachar, opposed the Namantar "by giving wide publicity to the riots in the cities and suppressing news in the rural areas." According to Aurangabad daily, Marathwada the Namantar was cultural violation for Marathwada existence.[16] The press did not publish about rural violence news.[28] They did not report the declarations by the Republican Party of India and Dalit Panther.[16] The front page of a famous Marathi newspaper published a notice for Upper caste Hindus to support the agitation.[29] Similarly, people were urged through letters, flyers, hand-outs to join the agitation.[29] Parliamentary committee advised to reinforce the police intelligence and communication with radios, telephones and motor vehicles in talukas. But the media intensified on allegations that the PCR Act was being misused.[3] Bhalchandra Nemade commented "All Marathi newspapers are communal and they thrive on the so-called 'freedom of press' to serve their own aims."[28] The chief minister of Maharashtra admitted the one-sided role of the press.[16]

Political parties

Shiv Sena, the Hindutva political party, initially declared itself opposed to the Namantar.[30][31] During agitation the supporters of Bal Thackeray burnt homes of the Dalits.[32] People were physically, harmed, including by attacks with swords. Interviewers explained that the attackers were from the Maratha community, who also burned Dalit properties in Nanded district. Supporters of the Peasants and Workers Party of India (PWP) and Indian National Congress were involved in these burnings. In the same area there were allegations of two women being raped and three children killed but no legal action was instigated.[33] According to Gopal Guru

PWP and Shiv Sena aggravated tension in Parbhani, Nanded, Beed and Osmanbad. Congress did not show any inclination to defuse the tension and whatever efforts were made particularly by the Congress leaders from Beed and Osmanabad districts were insufficient or localised. On the other hand, Congress leaders particularly from Latur, Aurangabad, Jalna and to some extent Beed districts identified with the Dalit cause and worked for the Dalit harmony in these districts to maintain political impression.[17]

Bureaucrats

Many Dalits were harassed by the police as they continued to campaign for the change. The police allegedly reacted by adopting tactics such as delay and suppression of evidence.[16][29] In a few villages Hindu police patils and sarpanchs of all riot affected villages teamed up with rich caste Hindu landowners to attack Dalit poor peasant and agricultural labourers.[16] Police joined the mob in a violent way.[34] The District Collector of Nanded was from Dalit community and was powerless when his assistant officers refused his commands.[33] In Akola village, intentionally the police refused to lodge complains during violence against upper caste Hindus.[33] In Nanded city the curfew was enforced during agitation. The sons of resident Deputy Collector, Home Inspector and Circle Inspector took part in riot. During restriction timings the Dalit homeguards interrupted them. A complaint was registered contrary to the homeguards.[16] The complaints lodged by the Dalits were taken cold-bloodedly by the police.[34] A Parliamentary committee concluded that the police were "mere spectators to the incidents" during the atrocities.[29]

Situation after attacks

After the riots, many landlords refused to employ Dalits and even at public places such as hotels they were discriminated against.[16] A silent boycott was created. Because of fearful environment the Dalits migrated to the cities, and did not return to their villages.[35] The crops grown by the Dalits were set on fire. In 1985, in the Wakod village of Sillod Taluka, the standing crops possessed by Dalits on their own land were ploughed up by the Sarpanch himself.[36] A few college teachers and academicians formed a samiti to rehabilitate Dalit victims to restore harmony to the community.[16] Muslims of Marathwada opposed the bandhs declared by Shiv Sena. They did not close their commercial establishments to show their support for Namantar.[17] Parliamentary committee revealed that humanitarian aid provided to help Dalits was not sufficient to recover the losses.[29] Moreover, Samiti observed the corruption in it.[16]

Sooner after the atrocities around 3000 individuals were brought into the police custody but victims reported that the very few were taken into the court and the remaining cases were not much faster. Even natives pressured to dismissed all cases. The parliamentary committee advised "an automatic judicial inquiry in all cases of large scale arson and looting involved of Dalits." But, the judicial inquiry was opposed by the Maharashtra government.[29]

Long March

Deekshabhoomi, where Ambedkar embraced Buddhism, from where Jogendra Kawade launched and led the Long March on 11 November 1979[37]

On 4 August 1978 Jogendra Kawade led a March from Deekshabhoomi to District magistrate office in Nagpur to rename the university. On the same day there was a meeting in Aakashwani Chowk attended by the huge student crowd. Thereafter the people were going back homes zestfully. Violence was provoked when some anti-social elements started stone pelting at transportation links. To overcome turbulence police opened fire. After this incident the Long march was declared. Dalit protestors from Delhi, Haryana, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu reached to Nagpur.[38]

The violence caused the Dalits to suspend their campaign for a while but when a new incumbent as Chief Minister, Sharad Pawar, found various reasons to postpone the renaming, the reaction was the organisation of a Long March and instigating the Namantar Andolan.[15] The march was inspired by the Chinese Long March and was intended to end symbolically with a convergence in Aurangabad on 6 December 1979, the anniversary of Ambedkar's death.[1][15][20] According to Omvedt,[20] "Long March was organised by very factionalised committees that included the Dalit Panthers, smaller Dalit organisations, the Republican Party factions, socialist individuals and groups, and the Communist parties." The protest march was led by Jogendra Kawade and caused the arrest of thousands of protesters as well as prominent leaders.[1][15][37] According to Kawade "this was the fight for the protection of democracy and humanism".[39]

The Long March began on a Dhamma Chakra Pravartan Din from Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur, an area populated by many Buddhists, towards Aurangabad, blessed by Bhadant Anand Kausalyan.[37][38][40] Each day protestors marched 30 kilometres to cover a distance of 470 kilometres in 18 days in the bitter cold.[38] This was one of the remarkable andolan in Indian history after 1927 Indian Independence movement due to Dalit women’s active key role took part in Jail Bharo Andolan with pride.[41] At every village masses of people joined in the Long March. ‘This march was the world’s third largest Long March.’[38] According to Yukrant leader, around 3 Lakhs people were expected to join the Long March to rename the university after Ambedkar’s name. But a small percentage reached to Aurangabd but minimum 3 lakhs organized mass protest – satyagraha, Jail Bharo Andolan, March. The protesters clashed with police between 25 November to 6 December. Thousands of Long March activists walking from Nagpur, Udgir and Satara were taken into custody at the boundaries of Marathwada. Thousands were arrested during staygraha struggle at their towns and cities. Protestors were lathi charged, police fired on them on the day of 6 December, the death anniversary of Ambedkar. On the same day Vidarbha was bandh observed.[42] On 27 November, the protestors were stopped by the police at Khadakpurna River Bridge in the afternoon. Thousands of protestors started sit-in at the Khadakpurna River Bridge. They were lathi charged after 12AM in their sleep during the course many ran away and hundreds were arrested.[38]

On 3 December there was a protest by Dalit youths who burned buses, 4 of them died in clashes with police at Nagpur.[42] Around 12000 demonstrators were arrested at Auragabad who planned to March towards University from Kranti Chowk. Demonstrators of Dalit Panthers were arrested at Bhadkal Gate and University entrance. Leaders and activist were arrested, physically harmed, lathi charged, shot with tear gas and air firing was done to disperse the crowd. The intention of the state was to control and disperse demonstrators and keep them from anti Dalits,[42] who formed Namantar Virodhi Group (a group opposing renaming).[15] Most of them were freed from jails on the same evening but few refused to leave Jails to continue satyagraha. Main agenda of this Long March was to battle against caste oppression.[42]

The movement became a part of Dalit literature.[18][43] According to Omvedt " the upsurge, turmoil’s and frustration of the long march campaign brought the movement to a new turning point. The readiness for action shown by Dalit masses provided a demonstration of their powerful urge for revolutionary change."[42] During Long March songs of martyrs were sung by men, women even children joined to boost this revolution.[20] The andolan gradually turned out in Agra, Delhi, Banglore, Hydrabad where people protested by March. For 16 years many meetings were conducted, people demonstrated by March and many times they were arrested.[38]

Namvistar Din

Govindbhai Shroff was against renaming university but he requested people to accept the new name with nonviolence. Concurrently, he pressed a requirement to withdraw the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act cases against non-Dalits specifically the malafide ones. Tight security was deployed on the eve of the announcement but few incidents were reported in Parbhani and Amravati.[44] Curfew was imposed at Tuljapur and police firing was reported in Beed.[44] Again, after renaming the university at least four Dalits were stabbed, Dalit property was set on fire and again statues of Ambedkar were dishonoured at Parbhani, Osmanabad and Parbhani.[3] However, in Osmanabad district, at Kathi Savargaon, the renaming decision was welcomed with celebration by Maratha sarpanch in village. Similar case was reported in Lohara.[17]

Marathwda region has diverse cultural and historical background so many names were suggested. Finally 'University was renamed as "Dr Bababasaheb Ambedkar Marhwada University" to pay homage to the work done by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar for the educational development of the Marahwada region.'[45] The university name was eventually altered on 14 January 1994. The chosen form — Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University — represents an expansion of the existing name (a Namvistar) rather than complete change (Namanatar). Sharad Pawar also announced that it would be policy to encourage higher education for everyone, irrespective of caste, class, religion, and ethnicity.Moreover, the newly named university was developed with improved facilities in some departments to conceptualize the dream of Ambedkar which was one of the important parameter for the University.[44] At the same time, the university adopted the Ajanta arch with elephants as its primary logo, reflecting the Buddhist cultural significance of the Ajanta caves.[45]

On 14 January each year, the followers of Ambedkar throng university. The political parties, organizations based on Ambedkar’s thinking celebrate this day. Many people visit the university to celebrate the Namvistar Din, so political parties arrange their rallies traditionally. The University building and gate is decorated with lights. Many people visit the Buddhist caves on this occasion.[46] Women greet each other by applying Nil (Indigo colour powder).[47] This day is also celebrated in educational institutes.[48]

Legacy

Woman paying homage to martyrs at Namantar Shahid Stambh which is Namantar martyrs monolith in front of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University gate.

People come to the University gate to have Darśana, which resembles Sanchi Stupa gate, and leave an offering as if the University were a place of pilgrimage.[3] In 2013, Nagpur Municipal Corporation erected Namantar Shahid Smarak (Martyrdom Memorial) dedicated to Dalits who died in the movement at Nagpur.[49]

See also

References

Notes
  1. ↑ To carry out this determination he established Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha in 1924.[8]
  2. ↑ The Dalit Panthers were a group of writers and poets.[9]
  3. ↑ In some rural villages, caste Hindus assisted in defending their Mahar neighbours against trouble-makers; in other instances where trouble arose, it might be on a selective basis, with some particularly aspirational Mahars being targeted but the remainder being tolerated.[12]
Citations
  1. 1 2 3 4 5 Jaoul, Nicolas (2008). "The 'Righteous Anger' of the Powerless: Investigating Dalit Outrage over Caste Violence". South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal (2). Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  2. ↑ Chauhan, B. S. (2008). Natural Resources (Forest, water and Minerals). Firewall Media Publishers. p. 31. ISBN 9788131803288.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Rao, Anupama (2009). "New Direction in Dalit Politics". The caste question : Dalits and the politics of modern India. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. pp. 209–213. ISBN 0520257618. Retrieved 20 June 2013.
  4. ↑ "Parliament of India - Members" (PDF). Rajya Sabha. Retrieved 19 August 2013.
  5. ↑ Benjamin, Joseph (June 2009). "B. R. Ambedkar: An Indefatigable Defender of Human Rights". Focus. Asia-Pacific Human Rights Information Center - Human Rights Osaka. 56. Retrieved 19 August 2013.
  6. ↑ Divakar, N. Paul (June 2007). "Untouchability and Violence against Dalits". Focus. Asia-Pacific Human Rights Information Center - Human Rights Osaka. 48. Retrieved 19 August 2013.
  7. ↑ Jaffrelot, Christophe (2009). Dr Ambedkar's Startergies Against Untouchability and the Caste System (PDF). Working Paper Series.
  8. 1 2 Kshirsagar, R.K. (1994). Dalit movement in India and its leaders : 1857-1956 (1. publ. ed.). New Delhi: M.D.Publications Pvt. Ltd. p. 82. ISBN 8185880433. Retrieved 14 August 2013.
  9. 1 2 3 Guha, Ramachandra (2008). India after Gandhi : the history of the world's largest democracy (1st Harper Perennial ed.). New York, NY: Harper Perennial. pp. 379, 535. ISBN 9780060958589.
  10. ↑ Mahapatra, B.C.; Kumar Ashok (2004). "Ambedkar and His Philosophy towards Education". Dalits in third millennium (1st ed.). New Delhi, India: Sarup & Sons. pp. 43–53. ISBN 8176254975. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
  11. 1 2 3 4 Damle, Y. B. (January–June 1994). "Holocaust in Marathwad: 1978" (PDF). ICSSR Research Abstracts Quarterly. Indian Council of Social Science and Research. XXIII. Retrieved 11 August 2013.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Gupta, Dipankar (May 1979). "Understanding the Marathwada Riots: A Repudiation of Eclectic Marxism". Social Scientist. 7 (10): 3–22. doi:10.2307/3516774. JSTOR 3516774. (subscription required)
  13. 1 2 Mendelsohn, Oliver; Vicziany, Marika (1998). The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the State in Modern India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–75, 91. ISBN 9780521556712. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  14. ↑ Nambissan, Geetha B. (20–27 April 1996). "Equity in Education? Schooling of Dalit Children in India". Economic and Political Weekly. Economic and Political Weekly. 31: 1011–1024. JSTOR 4404063.(subscription required)
  15. 1 2 3 4 5 Shastree, Uttara (1996). Religious Converts in India: Socio-political Study of Neo-Buddhists. Mittal Publications. pp. 100–101. ISBN 9788170996293.
  16. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Atyachar Virodh Samiti (12 May 1979). "The Marathwada Riots: A Report". Economic and Political Weekly. 14 (19): 845–852. JSTOR 4367590. (subscription required)
  17. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Guru, Gopal (26 February 1994). "Understanding Violence against Dalits in Marathwada". Economic and Political Weekly. 29 (9): 469–472. JSTOR 4400849. (subscription required)
  18. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Mayaram, Shail; Pandian, M. S. S.; Skaria, Ajay, eds. (2005). Muslims, Dalits, and the Fabrications of History. Permanent Black and Ravi Dayal Publisher. pp. 165–169. ISBN 9788178241159. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  19. ↑ Vakil, A.K. (1985). Reservation policy and scheduled castes in India (1st ed.). New Delhi: Asish Pub. House. p. 82. ISBN 8170240166.
  20. 1 2 3 4 Omvedt, Gail (1993). Reinventing revolution: new social movements and the socialist tradition in India. M.E. Sharpe Publishers. pp. 64–66. ISBN 9780765631763.
  21. ↑ "टाहो वीरपत्नीचा". Ekmat (in Marathi). 30 July 2013. Retrieved 13 August 2013. मानवतावादाची पेरणी करणा-या क्रांतिसूर्याचे नाव विद्यापीठास देण्यात यावे यासाठी उभारलेल्या नामांतर लढ्यात अनेकांनी रक्त सांडले. नांदेडच्या भूमिपुत्रांनी आत्मबलिदान दिले. यात तत्कालीन बिलोली तालुक्यातील (आताचा नायगाव तालुका) टेंभुर्णी येथील पोचिराम कांबळे यांचे नाव अग्रक्रमाने घ्यावे लागते. बाबासाहेबांच्या नावासाठी शहीद होणारा हा भीमयोद्धा ४ ऑगस्ट १९७८ रोजी जय भीम... जय भीम... म्हणत शहीद झाला. नामांतरविरोधकांनी त्यांना अक्षरश: जिवंत पेटविले होते. शहीद झालेल्या पोचिराम कांबळे यांचा आंबेडकरी वारसा रक्तात भिनलेल्या चंदर पोचिराम कांबळे (पोचिराम कांबळे यांचा मोठा मुलगा) यांनीही नामांतर लढ्यात उडी घेतली. मात्र त्यांनाही आपला प्राण गमवावा लागला.English translation: [Humanism cultivator -revolutionary sun’s (Ambedkar)] to name the university after his name many people shed their blood. Sons of Nanded offered themselves up in self-sacrifice. In the district Biloli (Current Naigaon Taluka) Tembhurni, Pochiram kamble's name is highly important. He became martyr for Ambedkar's name on 4 August 1978 saying Jai Bhim...Jai Bhim... Anti-namantar protestors literally burned him alive. Martyr Pochiram Kamble’s Ambedkar legacy got into the blood of Chandar Pochiram Kamble (Elder son of Pochiram Kamble) who jumped into the Namantar fight. However, he lost his life.
  22. ↑ Vakil, A.K. (1985). Reservation policy and scheduled castes in India (1st ed.). New Delhi: Asish Pub. House. p. 88. ISBN 8170240166. Retrieved 19 August 2013. At Etwara in Nanded City the Police helped the Swarna in rioting.
  23. 1 2 Vakil, A.K. (1985). Reservation policy and scheduled castes in India (1st ed.). New Delhi: Asish Pub. House. p. 88. ISBN 8170240166.
  24. ↑ Vakil, A.K. (1985). Reservation policy and scheduled castes in India (1st ed.). New Delhi: Asish Pub. House. p. 81. ISBN 8170240166.
  25. ↑ Rege, Sharmila (2006). Writing Caste, Writing Gender: Reading Dalit Women's Testimonios. Zubaan Publications. pp. 120–121. ISBN 9788189013011.
  26. ↑ "कोवळ्या भीमसैनिकाची 'डरकाळी' आजही स्मरणात". Sakal (in Marathi). Nagpur. The Sakal Group. 4 August 2013. Retrieved 13 August 2013. "नामांतर झालेच पाहिजे...' ही "डरकाळी' फोडत धावत आलेला कोवळा भीमसैनिक अविनाश डोंगरे दहा नंबर पुलाजवळ पोलिसांच्या गोळीने "शहीद' होतो... तो दिवस 4 ऑगस्ट 1978.English translation:Change the name...’ uttering in a loud deep voice and running, child Bhimsainik Avinash Dongre near 10 number bridge (Indora Bridge) was martyred by Police bullet.... on August 4, 1978. Note: Bhimsainik is an affectionate title used for Ambedkar followers and means Soldiers of Bhim (Ambedkar).
  27. ↑ Jeevantare, Kewal (27 May 2013). "महापालिकेला नामांतर शहीद सूर्यांकुरांच्या रक्ताचा विसर". Sakal (in Marathi). Nagpur. The Sakal Group. Retrieved 13 August 2013. 4 ऑगस्ट 1978 रोजी पेटलेल्या आंदोलनात इंदोऱ्यासहित उपराजधीतील सर्वच वस्त्यांमध्ये आंबेडकरी निखाऱ्यांनीही पेट घेतला. याच दिवशी पुकारलेल्या नामांतराच्या एल्गारात "दहा नंबर' पुलाजवळ "डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर की जय' ही घोषणा देणारा चिमकुला अविनाश डोंगरे रस्त्यावर आला आणि त्याच्या दिशेने आलेल्या एका गोळीने त्याचे डोके छेदताच तो जमिनीवर कोसळला. अविनाशने अखेरचा श्‍वास घेतला. अविनाश डोंगरे याच्यासहित उपराजधानीतील दिलीप रामटेके, अब्दुल सत्तार, रोशन बोरकर, रतन मेंढे अशा पाच आंबेडकरी कार्यकर्त्यांनी दीक्षाभूमीची माती कपाळाला लावून नामांतर आंदोलनात जिवाची आहुती दिली.English translation: On August 4, 1978 the Andolan was burning at Indora and along with Indora all the Dalit habitations in sub-capital (Nagpur) were burning in the same fire. On the same day the Namantar voice was raised near “10 number Bridge” ‘Victory of Ambedkar’(a slogan) was cried out by a child Avinash Dongre came onto the road and one bullet came in his direction, was struck in the head by a bullet; he fell to the ground. That was Avinash’s last breath. Along with Avinash Dongre, in the sub-capital (several other) Ambedkar workers, Dilip Ramteke, Abdul Sattar, Roshan Borkar, Ratan Mendhe (these five) sacrificed their lives on the soil of Deekhabhoomi during Namnatar Andolan . zero width joiner character in |quote= at position 356 (help)
  28. 1 2 3 Vakil, A.K. (1985). Reservation policy and scheduled castes in India (1st ed.). New Delhi: Asish Pub. House. pp. 85–86. ISBN 8170240166. Retrieved 19 August 2013.
  29. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Abraham, Amrita (21 July 1979). "Importance of Renaming Marathwada University". Economic and Political Weekly. 14 (29): 1190–1191. JSTOR 4367800. (subscription required)
  30. ↑ Sonawane, Rakshit. "Seat gone, Atahwale now plans to revive former militant outfit". Indian Express. Retrieved 22 June 2013.
  31. ↑ Palshikar, Suhas (3–16 April 2004). "Shiv Sena: A Tiger with Many Faces?". Economic and Political Weekly. 39 (14/15): 1497–1507. JSTOR 4414867. (subscription required)
  32. ↑ Punwani, Jyoti (21 December 2012). "Memorial to a dysfunctional state". The Hindu. Retrieved 22 June 2013.
  33. 1 2 3 Vakil, A. K. (1985). Reservation Policy and Scheduled Castes in India. S. B. Nangia for Ashish Publishing House. pp. 77–88. ISBN 9788170240167. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  34. 1 2 Vakil, A.K. (1985). Reservation policy and scheduled castes in India (1st ed.). New Delhi: Asish Pub. House. p. 88. ISBN 8170240166. Retrieved 20 August 2013.
  35. ↑ Vakil, A.K. (1985). Reservation policy and scheduled castes in India (1st ed.). New Delhi: Asish Pub. House. p. 84. ISBN 8170240166.
  36. ↑ L., S.; S. W. (13 December 1986). "Shiv Sena Enters Rural Politics: Campaign against Dalits in Marathwada Villages". Economic and Political Weekly. 21 (50): 2166–2167. JSTOR 4376434. (subscription required)
  37. 1 2 3 Kawade, Prof. Jogendra. "Biographical Sketch Member of Parliament XII Lok Sabha". Parliament of India. Retrieved 21 June 2013.
  38. 1 2 3 4 5 6 "नागपुर से उठी चिंगारी, औरंगाबाद में बनी ज्वाला". Dainik Bhaskar (in Hindi). DB Corp Ltd. 14 October 2011. Retrieved 16 August 2013. 4 अगस्त 1978 को आंदोलन का आगाज हुआ। प्रा. कवाड़े के नेतृत्व में दीक्षाभूमि से जिलाधिकारी कार्यालय तक मोर्चा निकाला गया। आकाशवाणी चौक में बड़ी सभा हुई। उसमें बड़ी संख्या में छात्र शामिल हुए। सभा के बाद लोग उत्साहपूर्ण अपने घरों की ओर लौट रहे थे, तभी उत्तर नागपुर के 10 नंबर पुलिया चौक पर अचानक हिंसा भड़क उठी। कुछ असामाजिक तत्वों ने सरकारी बसों पर पत्थर फेंके। हिंसा पर काबू पाने के लिए पुलिस ने फायरिंग शुरू कर दी।..... तब नागपुर से औरंगाबाद लांग मार्च ले जाने की घोषणा की गई। दिल्ली, हरियाणा, बिहार, मध्यप्रदेश, आंध्रप्रदेश, कर्नाटक व तमिलनाडु से दलित आंदोलनों से जुड़े लोग यहां आने लगे।..... उसी वर्ष दीक्षाभूमि पर धम्मचक्र प्रवर्तन दिन समारोह से लांग मार्च की शुरुआत हुई। बौद्ध पंडित भदंत आनंद कौशल्यायन ने आशीर्वाद दिया।.....30 किमी प्रतिदिन पैदल चलते हुए इस मार्च ने 18 दिनों में 470 किमी का सफर तय किया।..... कड़ाके की ठंड पड़ रही थी।..... मराठवाड़ा विद्यापीठ के नामांतर के लिए किया गया लांग मार्च दुनिया का तीसरा सबसे बड़ा मार्च था।..... लांग मार्च में गांव के गांव शामिल होने से संख्या बल काफी बढ़ने लगा था।..... 27 नवंबर कि बात है। आंदोलनकारी खड़कपूर्णा नदी तक पहुंच गए। दोपहर में ही आंदोलनकारियों को रोक लिया गया था। उन्हें वापस जाने के लिए कहा जा रहा था, लेकिन वे अपनी मांग पर अड़े थे। संयोग से उस दिन बारिश भी हो रही थी। हजारों की संख्या में लोग जमा हुए थे। पुल पर ही धरना पर बैठ गए। रात 12 बजे के बाद लाठीचार्ज शुरू हुआ। पुल के खाईनुमा छोरों को लांघकर आंदोलनकारी झुड़पी क्षेत्र में भागे। कइयों ने गहरी नींद में लाठी खायी।...... कवाडे समेत सैकाडो आंदोलनकारीयोको गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया।..... आंदोलन धीरे-धीरे अन्य प्रदेशों में भी नजर आने लगा। आगरा, दिल्ली, बेंगलुरु, हैदराबाद में मोर्चे निकाले गए। 16 वर्ष ताकत आंदोलन के समर्थन में सभाओं, मोर्चो का दौर चला। बार-बार गिरफ्तारियां हुईं। English translation: The movement was born August 4, 1978. Prof. Kawade led the March from Deekshabhoomi to the District Magistrate’s office. There was a large gathering at the Akashaawani Chowk. That was attended by the large number of students. After gathering people were returning to their homes with enthusiasm, concurrently, when suddenly violence broke out from Number 10 Bridge. Some anti-social elements threw stones at government buses. To counter the violence, the police started firing.....Then, the Nagpur to Aurangabad Long March was announced. People involved in the Dalit movement from Delhi, Haryana, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu started coming here..... On Deekshabhoomi (the same year) with celebrations of ‘Dhammachakra Parivartan Din’ the Long March began. Blessed by the Buddhist monk Bhadant Anand Kaushlyayn..... Covering 30 km every day on foot, this March in 18 days completed the journey of 470 km..... It was bitterly cold..... The March for the renaming of Marathwada University was the world's third largest Long March..... Numerous villages joined the Long March, and the strength of the cause began to grow significantly..... On 27 November, Protestors reached the Khadakpurna River. Protestors were detained in the afternoon. They were being asked to turn back, but they were adamant in their demands. Incidentally it was raining on that day. Thousands of people joined. On the bridge, sat on the picket. Lathicharge began after 12 am. Protestors ran into the bushes there. Many were lathi-charged while they slept..... Thousands of Protestors were arrested along with Prof Kawade..... The movement gradually spread to other states. There was the March in Agra, Delhi, Benaglore, Hydrabad. In support of the movement for 16 years there were gatherings, and the Marches continued. Again and again protestors were arrested. horizontal tab character in |quote= at position 1722 (help)
  39. ↑ "मराठवाडा नामांतर लोकशाहीच्या अस्तित्वाचा प्रश्न होता - प्रा. कवाडे". Loksatta (newspaper) (in Marathi). Nagpur. The Indian Express Ltd. 5 February 2013. Retrieved 12 August 2013. मराठवाडा विद्यापीठ नामांतराचा प्रश्न हा केवळ समता व न्यायाचा नव्हता तर लोकशाहीच्या अस्तित्वाचा प्रश्न होता. मानवतावाद व लोकशाहीच्या रक्षणासाठी हा लढा होता, असे प्रतिपादन लाँगमार्चचे प्रणेते, माजी खासदार जोगेंद्र कवाडे यांनी येथे केले. English translation:“Renaming Marathwada University was not only a question of equality and justice, but also a question of existence of democracy. This was a fight for the protection of democracy and humanity.” was said by the Long March pioneer, former MP Jogendra Kawade here. Note: The Maharashtra legislature passed a resolution to rename it, so it was democratic decision.
  40. ↑ Singh, ed. by B.V. Bhanu, B.R. Bhatnagar, D.K. Bose, V.S. Kulkarni, J. Sreenath ; gen. ed. K.S. (2004). Maharashtra. Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. p. 9. ISBN 8179911004. Retrieved 22 April 2015.
  41. ↑ Ray, ed. by Bharati; Guru Gopal (2005). "Understanding the Dalit Feminist Identity". Women of India : colonial and post-colonial periods (1st ed.). New Delhi: Sage Publ. pp. 82–88. ISBN 076193409X. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
  42. 1 2 3 4 5 Omvedt, Gail (8 December 1979). "Leaderless March". Economic and Political Weekly. 14 (49): 1190–1191. JSTOR 4368200. (subscription required)
  43. ↑ Zelliot, Eleanor (1996). "Stri Dalit Sahitya: The New Voice of Women Poets". In Feldhaus, Anne. Images of women in Maharashtrian literature and religion. SUNY Press. pp. 80–83. ISBN 9781438402499.
  44. 1 2 3 Damle, Jasmine Y. (2001). Beyond Economic Development: A Case Study of Marathwada. Mittal. pp. 140–146. ISBN 9788170997962. Retrieved 10 May 2013.
  45. 1 2 "History". Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, MS, India. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
  46. ↑ "'नामविस्तार दिना'साठी विद्यापीठ परिसर सजला". Maharashtra Times (in Marathi). Aurangabad. Bennett Coleman & Co. Ltd. 14 January 2012. Retrieved 6 August 2013. विद्यापीठाचा नामविस्तार झाल्यानंतर १४ जानेवारी हा दिवस आंबेडकरी विचारधारेतील पक्ष, संघटना, परिवर्तनवादी संघटना मोठ्या प्रमाणावर साजरा करतात. विद्यापीठ प्रशासनाने मुख्य इमारत व गेटवर रोषणाई केली आहे. गेटवर येणाऱ्या मंडळीतील अनेकजण बौद्ध लेण्यावर जातात. नामविस्तार दिनाचा आनंद साजरा करण्यासाठी आंबेडकरी जनता मोठ्या प्रमाणावर येते. त्यामुळे येथे राजकीय सभा घेण्याची प्रथा पडली आहे.English translation:After University Namvistar, the day of 14 January is celebrated by (political) parties influenced by Ambedkar thinking, as well as organizations, indeed radical organizations celebrate this day on a large scale. The University administration puts up lighting decorations on the main building and gate. The majority of Gate visitors go to Buddhist caves. To celebrate Namvistar Din Ambedkar followers visit in large masses. That’s why political parties arranging the gatherings (here) have become a tradition. Note: Aurangabad city is surrounded by the Aurangabad Caves, Ellora Caves and Ajanta Caves. line feed character in |quote= at position 616 (help)
  47. ↑ "आंबेडकरी अनुयायांनी फुलले विद्यापीठाचे प्रवेशद्वार". Sakal (in Marathi). Aurangabad. The Sakal Group. 15 January 2013. Retrieved 12 August 2013. महिला एकमेकींना नीळ लावून नामविस्तार दिनाच्या शुभेच्छा देत होत्या.English translation:Women were applying Nil (Indigo colour powder) to each other on Namantar Din to exchange greetings. Note: Generally women do apply such mark on each other’s forehead.
  48. ↑ "जिल्ह्यात नामविस्तारदिन उत्साहात". Sakal (in Marathi). Jalana. The Sakal Group. 15 January 2012. Retrieved 12 August 2013. जालना - जिल्ह्यात डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर मराठवाडा विद्यापीठ नामविस्तार दिन शनिवारी उत्साहात साजरा करण्यात आला. बद्रीनारायण बारवाले महाविद्यालय, महात्मा ज्योतिबा फुले समाजकार्य महाविद्यालय, नॅशनल कला व विज्ञान महाविद्यालय, एस. के. महाविद्यालय, राजकुंवर महाविद्यालय, डॉ. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर सोशल फोरम.English translation:In Jalna district Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University ‘Namvistar Din’ on Saturday was celebrated enthusiastically. (The news gives the list of Institutes where it was celebrated and how it was celebrated) List of Institutes: Badrinarayan Barwale College, Mahatma Jyotiba Phoole Samajkarya College, National Arts and Science College, S.K. College, Rajkunvar College, Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Social Forum.
  49. ↑ Nagpur Today (28 May 2013). "NMC, other prominent leaders salute Bhim Sainiks who laid down their lives for 'Namantar' Movement". Nagpur’s Daily e-Newspaper. Retrieved 22 June 2013.

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