Causes of sexual violence

Causes of sexual violence are debated and explanations of the cause include military conquest, socioeconomics, anger, power, sadism, sexual pleasure, psychopathy, ethical standards, laws, attitudes toward the victims and evolutionary pressures.

Groth typology

Clinical psychologist[1] Nicholas Groth has described several different types of rape.[2]

Anger rape

See also: Corrective rape

The goal of this rapist is to humiliate, debase and hurt their victim; they express their contempt for their victim through physical violence and profane language. For these rapists, sex is a weapon to defile and degrade the victim, rape constitutes the ultimate expression of their anger. This rapist considers rape the ultimate offense they can commit against the victim.

Anger rape is characterized by physical brutality, much more physical force is used during the assault than would be necessary if the intent were simply to overpower the victim and achieve penetration. This type of offender attacks their victim by grabbing, striking and knocking the victim to the ground, beating them, tearing their clothes, and raping them.

The experience for the offender is one that is of conscious anger and rage.[2]

Power assertive rapist

For these rapists, rape becomes a way to compensate for their underlying feelings of inadequacy and feeds their issues of mastery, control, dominance, strength, intimidation, authority and capability. The intent of the power rapist is to assert their competency. The power rapist relies upon verbal threats, intimidation with a weapon, and only uses the amount of force necessary to subdue the victim.

The power rapists tends to have fantasies about sexual conquests and rape. They may believe that even though the victim initially resists them, that once they overpower their victim, the victim will eventually enjoy the rape. The rapist believes that the victim enjoyed what was done to them, and they may even ask the victim to meet them for a date later.

Because this is only a fantasy, the rapist does not feel reassured for long by either their own performance or the victim's response. The rapist feels that they must find another victim, convinced that this victim will be "the right one".

Hence, their offenses may become repetitive and compulsive. They may commit a series of rapes over a short period of time.

Sadistic rape

For these rapists, they have a sexual association with anger and power so that aggression and the infliction of pain itself is eroticized. For this rapist, sexual excitement is associated with the inflicting of pain upon their victim. The offender finds the intentional maltreatment of their victim intensely gratifying and takes pleasure in the victim's torment, pain, anguish, distress, helplessness, and suffering;[3] he/she finds the victim's struggling with him/her to be an erotic experience.

Sadistic rape usually involves extensive, prolonged torture and restraint. Sometimes it can take on ritualistic or other bizarre qualities. The rapist may use some type of instrument or foreign object to penetrate his/her victim. Sexual areas of the victim's body become a specific focus of injury or abuse.

The sadistic rapist's assaults are deliberate, calculated and preplanned. They will often wear a disguise or will blindfold their victims.[3] Prostitutes or other people whom they perceive to be "promiscuous" are often the sadistic rapist's targets. The victims of a sadistic rapist may not survive the attack. For some offenders, the ultimate satisfaction is gained from murdering the victim.[2]

Gang rape

Main article: Gang rape

Some forms of sexual violence, such as gang rape, are predominantly committed by young men.[4] Sexual aggression is often a defining characteristic of manhood in the group and is significantly related to the wish to be held in high esteem.[5] Sexually aggressive behavior among young men has been linked with gang membership and having delinquent peers.[6][7] Research also suggests that men with sexually aggressive peers are also much more likely to report coercive or enforced intercourse outside the gang context than men lacking sexually aggressive peers.[8] Gang rape is often viewed by the men involved, and sometimes by others too, as legitimate, in that it is seen to discourage or punish perceived immoral behavior among women, such as wearing short skirts or frequenting bars.

For this reason, it may not be equated by the perpetrators with the idea of a crime. In several areas in Papua New Guinea, women can be punished by public gang rape, often sanctioned by elders.[9]

Sexual gratification

In 1994, Richard Felson coauthored the controversial book "Aggression and Coercive Actions: A Social-Interactionist Perspective" with James Tedeschi, a book which argues that sexual fulfillment is the motive of rapists, rather than the aggressive desire to dominate the victim.[10] Felson believes that rape is an aggressive form of sexual coercion and the goal of rape is sexual satisfaction rather than power. Most rapists do not have a preference for rape over consensual sex.[11][12][13][14][15][16] In one study, male rapists evaluated with penile plethysmography demonstrated more arousal to forced sex and less discrimination between forced and consensual sex than non-rapist control subjects, though both groups responded more strongly to consensual sex scenarios.[17]

Individual factors

Known victim

Data on sexually violent individuals show that most direct their acts at individuals whom they already know.[18][19]

Drug facilitated sexual assault

Drug-facilitated sexual assault (DFSA), also known as predator rape, is a sexual assault carried out after the victim has become incapacitated due to having consumed alcoholic beverages or other drugs. Alcohol has been shown to play a disinhibiting role in certain types of sexual assault,[20] as have some other drugs, notably cocaine.[21] Alcohol has a psychopharmacological effect of reducing inhibitions, clouding judgements and impairing the ability to interpret cues.[22] The biological links between alcohol and violence are, however, complex.[20] Research on the social anthropology of alcohol consumption suggests that connections between violence, drinking and drunkenness are socially learnt rather than universal.[23] Some researchers have noted that alcohol may act as a cultural break time, providing the opportunity for antisocial behavior. Thus people are more likely to act violently when drunk because they do not consider that they will be held accountable for their behavior. Some forms of group sexual violence are also associated with drinking. In these settings, consuming alcohol is an act of group bonding, where inhibitions are collectively reduced and individual judgement ceded in favor of the group.

Psychological factors

There has been considerable research in recent times on the role of cognitive variables among the set of factors that can lead to rape. Sexually violent men have been shown to be more likely to consider victims responsible for the rape and are less knowledgeable about the impact of rape on victims.[24] Such men may misread cues given out by women in social situations and may lack the inhibitions that act to suppress associations between sex and aggression.[24] They may have coercive sexual fantasies,[25] and overall are more hostile towards women than are men who are not sexually violent.[6][26][27] In addition to these factors, sexually violent men are believed to differ from other men in terms of impulsivity and antisocial tendencies.[28] They also tend to have an exaggerated sense of masculinity. Sexual violence is also associated with a preference for impersonal sexual relationships as opposed to emotional bonding, with having many sexual partners and with the inclination to assert personal interests at the expense of others.[27][29] A further association is with adversarial attitudes on gender, that hold that women are opponents to be challenged and conquered.[30]

Research on convicted rapists

The research on convicted rapists has found several important motivational factors in the sexual aggression of males. Those motivational factors repeatedly implicated are having anger at women and having the need to control or dominate them.[31]

Factors increasing men's risk of committing rape include alcohol and other drug consumption, being more likely to consider victims responsible for their rape, being less knowledgeable about the impact of rape on victims, being impulsive and having antisocial tendencies, having an exaggerated sense of masculinity, having a low opinion on women, being a member of a criminal gang, having sexually aggressive friends, having been abused as a child and having been raised in a strongly patriarchal family.

A study by Marshall et al. (2001) found that male rapists had less empathy toward women who had been sexually assaulted by an unknown assailant and more hostility toward women than non-sex-offenders and nonoffender males/females.[32]

Freund et al. (1983) stated that most rapists do not have a preference for rape over consensual sex,[33] and Marshall et al. (1991) stated that there are no significant differences between the arousal patterns of male rapists and other males.[34]

Peer and family factors

Early childhood environments

There is evidence to suggest that sexual violence is also a learnt behavior in some adults, particularly as regards child sexual abuse. Studies on sexually abused boys have shown that around one in five continue in later life to molest children themselves.[35] Such experiences may lead to a pattern of behavior where the man regularly justifies being violent, denies doing wrong, and has false and unhealthy notions about sexuality.

Childhood environments that are physically violent, emotionally unsupportive and characterized by competition for scarce resources have been associated with sexual violence.[7][28][36] Sexually aggressive behavior in young men, for instance, has been linked to witnessing family violence, and having emotionally distant and uncaring fathers.[6][7] Men raised in families with strongly patriarchal structures are also more likely to become violent, to rape and use sexual coercion against women, as well as to abuse their intimate partners, than men raised in homes that are more egalitarian.[28]

Family honor and sexual purity

Another factor involving social relationships is a family response to sexual violence that blames women without punishing men, concentrating instead on restoring lost family honor. Such a response creates an environment in which rape can occur with impunity.

While families will often try to protect their women from rape and may also put their daughters on contraception to prevent visible signs should it occur,[37] there is rarely much social pressure to control young men or persuade them that coercing sex is wrong. Instead, in some countries, there is frequently support for family members to do whatever is necessary including murder to alleviate the shame associated with a rape or other sexual transgression. In a review of all crimes of honor occurring in Jordan in 1995,[38] researchers found that in over 60% of the cases, the victim died from multiple gunshot wounds mostly at the hands of a brother. In cases where the victim was a single pregnant female, the offender was either acquitted of murder or received a reduced sentence.

Societal factors

Factors operating at a societal level that influence sexual violence include laws and national policies relating to gender equality in general and to sexual violence more specifically, as well as norms relating to the use of violence. While the various factors operate largely at local level, within families, schools, workplaces and communities, there are also influences from the laws and norms working at national and even international level.

War and natural disasters

Lawlessness during wars and civil conflicts can create a culture of impunity towards human rights abuses of civilians. Some irregular armies and militias tacitly endorse looting of civilian areas as a way for troops to supplement their meagre incomes, and promote pillaging and rape of civilians as a reward for victory.[39][40] In 2008, the United Nations Security Council argued that "women and girls are particularly targeted by the use of sexual violence, including as a tactic of war to humiliate, dominate, instil fear in, disperse and/or forcibly relocate civilian members of a community or ethnic group."[41]

Refugees and internally displaced people who flee their homes during war and major disasters can experience human trafficking for sexual or labour exploitation due to the breakdown of economies and law and order.[42] Speaking at the UN General Assembly in 2010, the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its Causes and Consequences noted women’s particular vulnerability and increased risk of experiencing violence following disasters.[43] Following the 2010 Haiti earthquake, large numbers of women and girls living in Internally Displaced Persons camps experienced sexual violence.[44] The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights recognized the need for state actors to respond to gender-based violence committed by private actors, in response to a petition by Haitian groups and human rights lawyers calling on the Haitian government and international actors to take immediate measures—like increasing lighting, security, and access to medical care—to address sexual violence against women and girls in the IDP camps.[45]

Poverty

Poverty is linked to both the perpetration of sexual violence and the risk of being a victim of it. Several authors have argued that the relationship between poverty and perpetration of sexual violence is mediated through forms of crisis of masculine identity.[46][47][48][49][50]

Bourgois, writing about life in East Harlem, New York, United States, described how young men felt pressured by models of successful masculinity and family structure passed down from their parents' and grandparents' generations, together with modern-day ideals of manhood that also place an emphasis on material consumption. Trapped in their slums, with little or no available employment, they are unlikely to attain either of these models or expectations of masculine success. In these circumstances, ideals of masculinity are reshaped to emphasize misogyny, substance abuse and participation in crime and often also xenophobia and racism. Gang rape and sexual conquest are normalized, as men turn their aggression against women they can no longer control patriarchally or support economically.[48]

Physical and social environment

While fear of rape is typically associated with being outside the home,[51][52] the great majority of sexual violence actually occurs in the home of the victim or the abuser. Nonetheless, abduction by a stranger is quite often the prelude to a rape and the opportunities for such an abduction are influenced by the physical environment. The social environment within a community is, however, usually more important than the physical surrounding. How deeply entrenched in a community beliefs in male superiority and male entitlement to sex are will greatly affect the likelihood of sexual violence taking place, as will the general tolerance in the community of sexual assault and the strength of sanctions, if any, against perpetrators.[18][53][54] For instance, in some places, rape can even occur in public, with passersby refusing to intervene.[9] Complaints of rape may also be treated leniently by the police, particularly if the assault is committed during a date or by the victim's husband.

Laws and policies

There are considerable variations between countries in their approach to sexual violence. Some countries have far-reaching legislation and legal procedures, with a broad definition of rape that includes marital rape, and with heavy penalties for those convicted and a strong response in supporting victims. Commitment to preventing or controlling sexual violence is also reflected in an emphasis on police training and an appropriate allocation of police resources to the problem, in the priority given to investigating cases of sexual assault, and in the resources made available to support victims and provide medico-legal services. At the other end of the scale, there are countries with much weaker approaches to the issue where conviction of an alleged perpetrator based on the accusation of the women alone is not allowed, where certain forms or settings of sexual violence are specifically excluded from the legal definition, and where rape victims are strongly deterred from bringing the matter to court through the fear of being punished for filing an unproven rape suit.

Further information: Adultery, Honor killing, and Stoning

Women in various countries face serious risks if they report rape. These risks include being subjected to violence (including honor killings) by their families, being prosecuted for sex outside marriage, or being forced to marry their rapist.[55][56][57] This creates a culture of impunity which allows rape to go unpunished.

Social norms

Sexual violence committed by men is to a large extent rooted in ideologies of male sexual entitlement. These belief systems grant women extremely few legitimate options to refuse sexual advances.[49][58][59] Some men thus simply exclude the possibility that their sexual advances towards a woman might be rejected or that a woman has the right to make an autonomous decision about participating in sex. In some cultures women, as well as men, regard marriage as entailing the obligation on women to be sexually available virtually without limit,[60][61] though sex may be culturally proscribed at certain times, such as after childbirth or during menstruation.[62]

Societal norms around the use of violence as a means to achieve objectives have been strongly associated with the prevalence of rape. In societies where the ideology of male superiority is strong, emphasizing dominance, physical strength and male honor, rape is more common.[63] Countries with a culture of violence, or where violent conflict is taking place, experience an increase in almost all forms of violence, including sexual violence.[63][64]

Many of the factors operating at a national level have an international dimension. Global trends, for instance towards free trade, have been accompanied by an increase in the movement around the world of women and girls for labor, including for sex work.[65] Economic structural adjustment programmes, drawn up by international agencies, have accentuated poverty and unemployment in a number of countries, thereby increasing the likelihood of sexual trafficking and sexual violence.[66] something particularly noted in Central America, the Caribbean[67] and parts of Africa.[68]

Feminist theories of male-female rape

The feminist theory of male-female rape is summarized by Susan Brownmiller's statement: "rape is nothing more or less than a conscious process of intimidation by which all men keep all women in a state of fear".[69] Some feminists assert that male domination of women in socio-political and economic domains is the ultimate cause of most rapes, and consider male-female rape to be a crime of power that has little or nothing to do with sex itself.[70] However, a 1983 study comparing 14 indicators of male dominance and the incidence of rape in 26 American cities found no correlations, except one where greater male dominance actually decreased the incidence of rape.[71] Social learning theory of rape is similar to the feminist theory and links cultural traditions such as imitation, sex-violence linkages, rape myths (e.g., "women secretly desire to be raped"), and desensitization to be the core causes of rape.

Rape culture

Main article: Rape culture

Rape culture is a term used within women's studies and feminism, describing a culture in which rape and other sexual violence (usually against women) are common and in which prevalent attitudes, norms, practices, and media condone, normalize, excuse, or encourage sexualized violence.

Within the paradigm, acts of sexism are commonly employed to validate and rationalize normative misogynistic practices; for instance, sexist jokes may be told to foster disrespect for women and an accompanying disregard for their well-being, which ultimately make their rape and abuse seem "acceptable". Examples of behaviors said to typify rape culture include victim blaming, trivializing prison rape, and sexual objectification.

Rape culture as a concept and social reality was explored in detail in the 1975 film Rape Culture, produced by Margaret Lazarus and Renner Wunderlich for Cambridge Documentary Films.

Gender based socialization and sexual scripts

Studies of college-aged sexually active men and women show they often conceptualize men as sexual initiators and women as sexual gatekeepers.[72][73][74]

It has been argued that sexual assault trials,[75] as well as rape itself may be influenced by cultural narratives of men as sexual instigators.[76][77] Boys are brought up to be sexually aggressive, dominant and conquering, as a way of affirming their masculinity. Catharine MacKinnon argues that men rape "for reasons that they share in common even with those who don’t, namely masculinity and their identification with masculine norms and in particular being the people who initiate sex and being the people who socially experience themselves as being affirmed by aggressive initiation of sexual interaction".[78] According to Check and Malamuth (1983), men are taught to take the initiative and persist in sexual encounters, while women are supposed to set the limits.[79] This classical sexual script is often popularized through television shows, popular films and pornography, which depict the man making a sexual advance and the woman initially resisting, but then finally positively responding by falling in love with him or experiencing orgasm (Cowen, Lee, Levy, and Snyder, 1988; Malamuth and Check, 1981; Smith, 1976; Waggett, 1989). The implied message is that men should persist beyond a woman's protest and women should say "no" even if they desire sex (Muehlenhard and McCoy, 1991). The more traditional the society, the closer the adherence to this sexual script.[79] For this reason, many men do not believe that a woman means "no" when she says "no", and continue to pressure the woman, and ultimately coerce or force her into sex; consent often becomes confused with submission.[80]

In many societies, men who do not act in this traditional masculine way are ostracized by their peers and considered effeminate. In studies, young males from Cambodia, Mexico, Peru and South Africa, reported that they have participated in incidents where girls were coerced into sex (such as gang rapes) and that they did so as a way to prove their masculinity to their friends, or under peer pressure and fear that they would be rejected if they didn't participate in the assault.[81]

Sex industry and rape

Some theorists charge that the acceptance of these sexual practices increase sexual violence against women, by reinforcing stereotypical views about women, who are seen as sex objects which can be used and abused by men, and by desensitizing men; this being one of the reasons why some theorists oppose the sex industry. They argue that pornography eroticizes the domination, humiliation, and coercion of women, and reinforces sexual and cultural attitudes that are complicit in rape and sexual harassment. The anti-pornography feminist, Andrea Dworkin, has famously argued this point in her controversial Pornography: Men Possessing Women (1981).

Evolutionary explanations

Males who under some circumstances used force may have had greater reproductive success in the ancestral environment than males who did not employ force.[70] Sociobiological theories of rape are theories that explore to what degree, if any, evolutionary adaptations influence the psychology of rapists. Such theories are highly controversial, as traditional theories typically do not consider rape to be a behavioral adaptation. Some object to such theories on ethical, religious, political as well as scientific grounds. Others argue that a correct knowledge of the causes of rape is necessary in order to develop effective preventive measures. There is extensive research on the forced sex among non-human animals.[82]

See also

References

  1. ↑ Male Rape. secasa.com.au
  2. 1 2 3 "Center for Sex Offender Management Lecture Content & Teaching Notes Supervision of Sex Offenders in the Community: An Overview". Center for Sex Offender Management. Retrieved 2008-05-26.
  3. 1 2 Groth, Nicholas (1979). Men Who Rape: The Psychology of the Offender. New York: Plenum Press. pp. 44–45. ISBN 0-306-40268-8.
  4. ↑ Bourgois, Philippe I. (2003). In search of respect: selling crack in El Barrio. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-01711-4.
  5. ↑ Petty GM, Dawson B (1989). "Sexual aggression in normal men: incidence, beliefs and personality characteristics". Personality and Individual Differences. 10 (3): 355–362. doi:10.1016/0191-8869(89)90109-8.
  6. 1 2 3 Ouimette PC, Riggs D (1998). "Testing a mediational model of sexually aggressive behavior in nonincarcerated perpetrators". Violence and Victims. 13 (2): 117–130. PMID 9809392.
  7. 1 2 3 Borowsky IW, Hogan M, Ireland M (1997). "Adolescent sexual aggression: risk and protective factors". Pediatrics. 100 (6): E7. doi:10.1542/peds.100.6.e7. PMID 9382908.
  8. ↑ Gwartney-Gibbs PA, Stockard J, Bohmer S (1983). "Learning courtship aggression: the influence of parents, peers and personal experiences-". Family Relations. 35 (3): 276–282. doi:10.2307/583540. JSTOR 583540.
  9. 1 2 Jenkins C. Sexual behavior in Papua New Guinea. In: Report of the Third Annual Meeting of the International Network on Violence Against Women, January 1998. Washington, DC, International Network on Violence Against Women, 1998.
  10. ↑ Are rapists on pleasure or power trips? – book by James Tedeschi and Richard Felson, 'Aggression and Coercive Actions: A Social-Interactionist Perspective,' advocates rape as an act for sexual pleasure. Findarticles.com (1994-09-05). Retrieved on 2011-10-01.
  11. ↑ Dreznick MT (2003). "Heterosocial competence of rapists and child molesters: a meta-analysis". J Sex Res. 40 (2): 170–8. doi:10.1080/00224490309552178. PMID 12908124.
  12. ↑ Barbaree, H.E.; Marshall, W.L.; Lanthier, R.D. (1979). "Deviant sexual arousal in rapists". Behaviour Research and Therapy. 8 (3): 229–239. doi:10.1016/0005-7967(79)90036-6.
  13. ↑ Baxter, D.J.; Barbaree, H.E.; Marshall, W.L. (1986). "Sexual responses to consenting and forced sex in a large sample of rapists and nonrapists". Behaviour Research and Therapy. 24 (5): 513–520. doi:10.1016/0005-7967(86)90031-8. PMID 3753378.
  14. ↑ Hall, G.C.N.; Proctor, W.C.; Nelson, G.M. (1988). "Validity of physiological measures of pedophilic sexual arousal in a sexual offender population". Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 56 (1): 118–122. doi:10.1037/0022-006X.56.1.118. PMID 3346436.
  15. ↑ Langevin, Ron (1985). Erotic preference, gender identity, and aggression in men: new research studies. Psychology Press. pp. 39–76. ISBN 978-0-89859-445-4.
  16. ↑ Wormith, J.S.; Bradford, J.M.W.; Pawlak, A.; Borzecki, M.; Zohar, A. (1988). "The assessment of deviant sexual arousal as a function of intelligence, instructional set and alcohol ingestion". Canadian Journal of Psychiatry. 33 (9): 800–808. PMID 3214828.
  17. ↑ Baxter DJ, Barbaree HE, Marshall WL (1986). "Sexual responses to consenting and forced sex in a large sample of rapists and nonrapists". Behav Res Ther. 24 (5): 513–20. doi:10.1016/0005-7967(86)90031-8. PMID 3753378.
  18. 1 2 Heise L, Moore K, Toubia N. Sexual coercion and women’s reproductive health: a focus on research. New York, NY, Population Council, 1995.
  19. ↑ Violence against women: a priority health issue. Geneva, World Health Organization, 1997 (document WHO/FRH/WHD/97.8).
  20. 1 2 Miczek KA et al. (1993) "Alcohol, drugs of abuse, aggression and violence". In: Reiss AJ, Roth JA, eds. Understanding and preventing violence. Vol. 3. Social influences. Washington, DC, National Academy Press, pp. 377–570.
  21. ↑ Grisso, JA; Schwarz, DF; Hirschinger, N; Sammel, M; Brensinger, C; Santanna, J; Lowe, RA; Anderson, E; Shaw, LM (1999). "Violent injuries among women in an urban area". The New England Journal of Medicine. 341 (25): 1899–1905. doi:10.1056/NEJM199912163412506. PMID 10601510.
  22. ↑ Abby A, Ross LT, McDuffie D. Alcohol’s role in sexual assault. In: Watson RR, ed. Drug and alcohol reviews. Vol. 5. Addictive behaviors in women. Totowa, NJ, Humana Press, 1995.
  23. ↑ McDonald M, ed. Gender, drink and drugs. Oxford, Berg Publishers, 1994.
  24. 1 2 Drieschner K, Lange A (1999). "A review of cognitive factors in the aetiology of rape: theories, empirical studies and implications". Clinical Psychology Review. 19 (1): 57–77. doi:10.1016/s0272-7358(98)00016-6. PMID 9987584.
  25. ↑ Dean KE, Malamuth NM (1997). "Characteristics of men who aggress sexually and of men who imagine aggressing: risk and moderating variables". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 72 (2): 449–55. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.72.2.449. PMID 9107010.
  26. ↑ Koss, MP; Dinero, TE (1989). "Discriminant analysis of risk factors for sexual victimisation among a national sample of college women". Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 57 (2): 242–50. doi:10.1037/0022-006x.57.2.242. PMID 2708612.
  27. 1 2 Malamuth NM (1998). "A multidimensional approach to sexual aggression: combining measures of past behavior and present likelihood" (PDF). Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences. 528: 113–146. doi:10.1111/j.1749-6632.1988.tb50855.x.
  28. 1 2 3 Crowell NA, Burgess AW (eds.) Understanding violence against women. Washington, DC, National Academy Press, 1996.
  29. ↑ Malamuth NM, et al. (1991). "The characteristics of aggressors against women: testing a model using a national sample of college students". Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. 59 (5): 670–681. doi:10.1037/0022-006X.59.5.670. PMID 1955602.
  30. ↑ Lisak, David; Roth, Susan (1990). "Motives and psychodynamics of selfreported, unincarcerated rapists". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. 60 (2): 584–589. doi:10.1037/h0079178.
  31. ↑ Lisak, D.; Roth, S. (1988). "Motivational factors in nonincarcerated sexually aggressive men". J Pers Soc Psychol. 55 (5): 795–802. doi:10.1037/0022-3514.55.5.795. PMID 3210146.
  32. ↑ Marshall WL, Moulden H (2001). "Hostility toward women and victim empathy in rapists". Sex Abuse. 13 (4): 249–55. doi:10.1177/107906320101300403. PMID 11677926.
  33. ↑ Freund, K., Scher, H. and Hucker, S. J. (1983). "The courtship disorders". Archives of Sexual Behavior. 12 (5): 769‑779. doi:10.1007/bf01542881. Cited in Dreznick MT (2003). "Heterosocial competence of rapists and child molesters: a meta-analysis". J Sex Res. 40 (2): 170–8. doi:10.1080/00224490309552178. PMID 12908124. ... the minority of rapists who have an erotic preference for rape over consensual intercourse
  34. ↑ Marshall, W. L.; Eccles, A. (1991). "Issues in clinical practice with sex offenders". Journal of Interpersonal Violence. 6: 79–79. doi:10.1177/088626091006001006.
  35. ↑ Watkins B, Bentovim A (1992). "The sexual abuse of male children and adolescents: a review of current research". Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry. 33 (1): 197–248. doi:10.1111/j.1469-7610.1992.tb00862.x. PMID 1737828.
  36. ↑ Dobash E, Dobash R. Women, violence and social change. London, Routledge, 1992.
  37. ↑ Wood K, Maepa J, Jewkes R. Adolescent sex and contraceptive experiences: perspectives of teenagers and clinic nurses in the Northern Province. Pretoria, Medical Research Council, 1997 (Technical Report).
  38. ↑ Hadidi M, Kulwicki A, Jahshan H (2001). "A review of 16 cases of honour killings in Jordan in 1995". International Journal of Legal Medicine. 114 (6): 357–359. doi:10.1007/s004140000166. PMID 11508804.
  39. ↑ "War on Women – Time for action to end sexual violence in conflict" (PDF). Nobel Women's initiative. May 2011.
  40. ↑ Brown C (2012). "Rape as a weapon of war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.". Torture. 22 (1): 24–37. PMID 23086003.
  41. ↑ "Rape: Weapon of war". OHCHR.
  42. ↑ "Syrian child refugees face exploitation, UNICEF says". Reuters. 10 Oct 2013.
  43. ↑ MADRE, et al. Gender-Based Violence Against Haitian Women & Girls in Internal Displacement Camps; Submitted to the 12th Session of the Universal Periodic Review. 2011. p. 5.
  44. ↑ MADRE, et al. Gender-Based Violence Against Haitian Women & Girls in Internal Displacement Camps; Submitted to the 12th Session of the Universal Periodic Review. 2011. pp. 2–3
  45. ↑ MADRE, et al. Our Bodies Are Still Trembling: Haitian Women Continue to Fight Against Rape. 2011. pp. 11–12.
  46. ↑ Morrell R, ed. Changing men in Southern Africa. Pietermaritzburg, University of Natal Press, 2001.
  47. ↑ Jewkes R (2002). "Intimate partner violence: causes and prevention". Lancet. 359 (9315): 1423–1429. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(02)08357-5. PMID 11978358.
  48. 1 2 Bourgois P (1996). "In search of masculinity: violence, respect and sexuality among Puerto Rican crack dealers in East Harlem". British Journal of Criminology. 36 (3): 412–427. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.bjc.a014103.
  49. 1 2 Wood K, Jewkes R. ‘‘Dangerous’’ love: reflections on violence among Xhosa township youth. In:Morrell R, ed. Changing men in Southern Africa. Pietermaritzburg, University of Natal Press, 2001.
  50. ↑ Silberschmidt M (2001). "Disempowerment of men in rural and urban East Africa: implications for male identity and sexual behavior" (PDF). World Development. 29 (4): 657–671. doi:10.1016/S0305-750X(00)00122-4.
  51. ↑ Madge, Clare (June 1997). "Public parks and the geography of fear". Journal of Economic and Social Geography (Tijdschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie). Wiley. 88 (3): 237–250. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9663.1997.tb01601.x.
  52. ↑ Pain, Rachel H. (1997). "Social geographies of women's fear of crime". Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. Wiley. 22 (2): 231–244. JSTOR 622311. Pdf.
  53. ↑ Rozée, Patricia D. (December 1993). "Forbidden or forgiven?: Rape in cross-cultural perspective". Psychology of Women Quarterly. Sage. 17 (4): 499–514. doi:10.1111/j.1471-6402.1993.tb00658.x.
  54. ↑ Coy, Maddy; Kelly, Liz; Horvath, Miranda A.H. (2012), "Troubling notions of male entitlement: men consuming, boasting and confessing about paying for sex", in Coy, Maddy, Prostitution, harm and gender inequality: theory, research and policy, Farnham, Surrey, England Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, pp. 121–140, ISBN 9781409405450.
  55. ↑ Libya rape victims 'face honour killings' – BBC News. Bbc.co.uk (2011-06-14). Retrieved on 2015-11-30.
  56. ↑ Maldives girl to get 100 lashes for pre-marital sex – BBC News. Bbc.co.uk. Retrieved on 2015-11-30.
  57. ↑ Morocco protest after raped Amina Filali kills herself – BBC News. Bbc.co.uk. Retrieved on 2015-11-30.
  58. ↑ Ariffin, Rohana; Women's Crisis Centre (Pinang, Malaysia) (1997). Shame, secrecy, and silence: study on rape in Penang. Women's Crisis Centre. ISBN 978-983-99348-0-9.
  59. ↑ Bennett L, Manderson L, Astbury J. Mapping a global pandemic: review of current literature on rape, sexual assault and sexual harassment of women. University of Melbourne, 2000.
  60. ↑ Jewkes R, Abrahams N (2002). "The epidemiology of rape and sexual coercion in South Africa: an overview". Social science & medicine (1982). 55 (7): 1231–44. doi:10.1016/s0277-9536(01)00242-8. PMID 12365533.
  61. ↑ Sen P. (1999) Ending the presumption of consent: nonconsensual sex in marriage. London, Centre for Health and Gender Equity
  62. ↑ Buckley T, Gottlieb A. (1998) Blood magic: the anthropology of menstruation. Berkeley, CA, University of California.
  63. 1 2 Sanday P (1981). "The socio-cultural context of rape: a cross-cultural study". Journal of Social Issues. 37 (4): 5–27. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1981.tb01068.x.
  64. ↑ Smutt M, Miranda JLE. "El Salvador: socializacio´n y violencia juvenil". [El Salvador: socialization and juvenile violence.] In: Ramos CG, ed. America Central en los noventa: problemas de juventud. [Central America in the 90s: youth problems.] San Salvador, Latin American Faculty of Social Sciences, 1998:151–187.
  65. ↑ Watts C, Zimmerman C (2002). "Violence against women: global scope and magnitude". Lancet. 359 (9313): 1232–1237. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(02)08221-1. PMID 11955557.
  66. ↑ Antrobus P. "Reversing the impact of structural adjustment on women’s health". In: Antrobus P et al., eds. We speak for ourselves: population and development. Washington, DC, Panos Institute, 1994:6–8.
  67. ↑ Faune MA. Centroamerica: los costos de la guerra y la paz. [Central America: the costs of war and of peace.] Perspectivas, 1997, 8:14–15.
  68. ↑ Omorodion FI, Olusanya O (1998). "The social context of reported rape in Benin City, Nigeria". African Journal of Reproductive Health. 2: 37–43.
  69. ↑ Brownmiller, Susan (1993). Against our will: men, women, and rape. New York: Fawcett Columbine. ISBN 0-449-90820-8.
  70. 1 2 Ellis, Lee (1989). Theories of rape: inquiries into the causes of sexual aggression. Washington, D.C: Hemisphere Pub. Corp. ISBN 0-89116-172-4.
  71. ↑ Lee Ellisa; Charles Beattie (1983). "The feminist explanation for rape: An empirical test". Journal of Sex Research. 19: 74–93. doi:10.1080/00224498309551170.
  72. ↑ Jozkowski, Kristen N.; Peterson, Zoë D. (2013). "College Students and Sexual Consent: Unique Insights". Journal of Sex Research. 50 (6): 517–523. doi:10.1080/00224499.2012.700739. ISSN 0022-4499. PMID 23039912.
  73. ↑ "Sexual pressure and young people's negotiation of consent" (PDF). Australian Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault Newsletter. Australian Institute of Family Studies. 14 June 2007.
  74. ↑ Struckman-Johnson, David; Struckman-Johnson, Cindy (1991). "Men and women's acceptance of coercive sexual strategies varied by initiator gender and couple intimacy". Sex Roles. 25 (11–12): 661–676. doi:10.1007/BF00289570.
  75. ↑ Bolotnikova, Marina N. (2012-03-26) Rape and The Gatekeeper Narrative | Opinion | The Harvard Crimson. Thecrimson.com. Retrieved on 2015-11-30.
  76. ↑ Emmers-Sommer, Tara M.; Allen, Mike (2004). Safer Sex in Personal Relationships: The Role of Sexual Scripts in HIV Infection and Prevention. Taylor and Francis. ISBN 978-1-4106-1168-0.
  77. ↑ Gender Stratification. Wps.pearsoned.ca. Retrieved on 2011-10-01.
  78. ↑ Interview with Catherine MacKinnon : Are Women Human ?. Sisyphe.org. Retrieved on 2011-10-01.
  79. 1 2 Sexual Scripts, Sexual Double Standards, Rape Myth Acceptance, and Perceptions of Acquaintance Rape Among University Students at Vilnius University, Vilnius Lithuania – Stromberg. Lituanus.org. Retrieved on 2011-10-01.
  80. ↑ The International Encyclopedia of Sexuality: Thailand. hu-berlin.de. Retrieved on 2011-10-01.
  81. ↑ SEXUAL COERCION:Young men’s experiences as victims and perpetrators. popcouncil.org. June 2004
  82. ↑ Smuts, Barbara B. Male Aggression and Sexual Coercion of Females in Nonhuman Primates and Other Mammals: Evidence and Theoretical Implications. Advances in the Study of Behavior 22 (1993)

Further reading

This article is issued from Wikipedia - version of the 11/10/2016. The text is available under the Creative Commons Attribution/Share Alike but additional terms may apply for the media files.